© 2013 The Texas Lawbook.
By Patricia Baldwin
Lifestyle Writer for The Texas Lawbook
Every two years, Texas lawmakers file thousands of bills, many of which never gain traction or a spot on the House and Senate calendars. In 2011, 5,910 House and Senate bills were introduced in the regular (140 days) and called sessions of the 82nd Legislature. Of these, 1,387 passed, with 25 vetoed (net 23 percent). It is statistically noteworthy that these numbers do not include the additional thousands of joint, concurrent and simple resolutions filed and passed – all of which take the lawmakers’ time.
It’s clear – awareness is key to the passage of legislation.
“That’s where I come in,” says Neal T. “Buddy” Jones of HillCo Partners.
When it comes to lobbying Texas legislators, friends and foes agree: Buddy Jones is one of the best.
Of the 1,689 lobbyists registered to work the current 83rd biennial legislative session, Capitol Inside ranks Jones as the number one “Hired Gun” in Texas. He’s been at or near the top since the politically prominent website started the rankings a decade ago. The website credits the longevity to “winning results, reputation, relationship building and countless connections and contacts.”
There’s another way to gauge a lobbyist’s success: look at his or her client list. Jones’ clientele is the envy of Austin: AT&T, Blue Cross Blue Shield of Texas, Children’s Hospital Association of Texas, Dallas Cowboys Football Club, Direct Energy, Farmers Group, H-E-B, Microsoft, Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers Association, Perry Homes, RadioShack, Rangers Baseball, United Airlines and others.
Over the past decade-plus, the top lobbyists also have built effective teams. Jones has registered 78 clients with the Texas Ethics Commission – some of which also are registered under other HillCo team members. For example, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s Institute for Legal Reform is listed under four HillCo lobbyists, with compensation listed within the TEC’s designated range of $50,000-$99,999.99.
Jones is quick to credit the various industry expertise of HillCo’s 12 other registered lobbyists, but he acknowledges that he’s good at “getting the ball in the end zone.”
Contributing to Jones’ success are some obvious traits, like physical stamina and patience. But the intangibles, which he brings to his long days at the Capitol during legislative sessions, distinguish Jones from his competitors.
Julian Read, senior counselor with the public relations firm Cohn & Wolfe Read-Poland, has represented dozens of politicians (including the late Texas Governor John Connally) as well as businesses during his career. He observes that lobbyists with legislative experience have a natural head-start. “That’s where they learn procedure,” he says. Continued success, however, depends upon personality and the nurturing of relationships. He notes Jones has the “background, experience, skill set – plain smarts – to be an extraordinary lobbyist.”
William “Bill” Miller is founding partner of HillCo with Jones. In the 2013 Texas Lobby Power Rankings by Capitol Inside, he is on a short list of six “lobby legends.” He also is perhaps in the best position to provide business insights about Jones.
“Almost every issue has nuance, and Buddy is expert in knowing the best – and sometimes unexpected – steps to take,” he says. To illustrate, he relates a story about a client who owned a restaurant/bar and who suffered from unwanted – and he contended unwarranted – attention from the local police department.
“As a former DA, Buddy knew the natural rivalry between the police and sheriff departments,” Miller continues. “We went to the sheriff and asked to hire deputy sheriffs as security for the facility. An agreement was struck, and they went to work. Shortly thereafter, the police problems ceased for the client.”
Miller calls Jones’ strategy a “genius play to understand the psychology and to act upon it quickly and successfully for a client. He’s the best in understanding political nuance.”
To follow Jones during a day at the Capitol in mid-February, some promises were made regarding his clients, conversations and confidentiality. Even with limitations, however, the day provides insights about this man, his tactics and the Texas legislative process.
7:45 a.m., Capitol Grill, Capitol Extension, Level 1.
In greeting, Jones notes he already has stopped at two offices of “early risers.” Tip: Legislators are more likely to be in their offices early and late for drop-in visits. Even though it is relatively early in the session, Jones says the Senate especially is in “sprint” mode.
Jones carries a Redrope expanding legal file of documents. His day’s schedule and “to-do” list are hand written on both sides of an 8½-x-11-inch, lined paper, complete with color coding and highlighting. “I’m old-fashioned,” he says. Social media? He leaves that to the HillCo staff.
Jones is known for his reliance on data – voter demographics, voting records, predictability percentages and other stats. He explains that the makeup of the Legislature has changed over the decades since he served. The good ol’ boys have “morphed into men and women who have commitments to certain issues. They have passion, discipline, a set of values.” In other words, legislators want facts, and lobbyists need to be prepared.
Jones admits a sense of anticipation about meeting new clients later in the morning. Two staffers of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce from Washington, D.C. are making the rounds of more than a dozen states to express their concerns about lawsuit lending. The chamber, which Jones calls “the largest, most significant business organization in the United States,” wants states, including Texas, to regulate companies making high-interest loans to plaintiffs in pending lawsuits. In early January, an Indiana state senator introduced a bill that would make such loans subject to the same regulations as traditional bank loans. Jones expects a similar bill in this legislative session. Expect him to be shepherding its path. [Editor’s note: After this day spent with Jones, Rep. Doug Miller of New Braunfels filed, on Feb. 20, H.B. 1595, the Consumer Lawsuit Lending Bill.]
8:00 a.m.
Breakfast is coffee. Jones and two HillCo associates – Eddie Solis and J. McCartt – meet with a legislative committee chairman.
8:37 a.m.
A passing senator stops at the table to greet Jones.
Interruptions and impromptu hallway discussions mark the day. An often-asked request: “Buddy, can I have a minute of your time?” Tip: Want two minutes of Jones’ time? Then brush up on the sport du jour at Baylor University. On this day, the magic conversation-starter is about the previous night’s win by the Baylor Lady Bears women’s basketball team over Texas Tech University’s Lady Raiders. “By 40 points,” Jones exclaims. [Fact check: Actually, the score was 89-47, a 42-point margin.]
8:45 a.m.
At the end of the breakfast meeting, Jones also likes this score: “We talked about three bills.” Jones is the consummate multi-tasker. “You have to be in this business,” he says.
8:50 a.m., Capitol Extension, Level 1, 600s corridor.
Jones dons his hat as a member of Baylor’s Board of Regents and drops in to pitch a senator (and Baylor grad) on a concurrent resolution to honor Robert Griffin III – “RG3” – quarterback for the Washington Redskins, 2012 NFL Offensive Rookie of the Year and 2011 Heisman Trophy winner from Baylor. [Editor’s note: Jones’ effort was successful. Griffin will be honored March 12 by the Texas Legislature for his achievements on and off the football field.]
9:05 a.m., Capitol Extension, Level 1, 700s corridor.
Jones takes his RG3 pitch to the office of a senator from Waco. At the same time, they discuss a resolution to honor the Lady Bears for the team’s 2011-2012 NCAA national women’s basketball championship, a title that capped a 40-0 season.
These are not the first instances that Jones has combined his loyalty to his alma mater Baylor with his acumen for lobbying. In 2010, his efforts were well-publicized when the sports world was rife with speculation that the Big 12 Conference was on the verge of dissolving. The rumor: The Pac-10 was talking to the University of Texas, Texas A&M University, Texas Tech University, the University of Oklahoma, Oklahoma State University and the University of Colorado. Not Baylor. Jones rallied Baylor alumni and supporters in the Legislature with a flurry of emails urging that any move to any other conference should include “all Texas-based teams.” Any realignment without Baylor, Jones wrote, would be “devastating” to the Waco university – and to the state of Texas. One strongly phrased email used the word “Armageddon.” Sports fans know the end of this story. In 2011, Colorado left for the Pac-10 (now the Pac-12), and the University of Nebraska became part of the Big Ten Conference. The Big 12 continued during the recent season with 10 members, losing the University of Missouri and Texas A&M to the Southeastern Conference and gaining Texas Christian and West Virginia universities.
9:14 a.m.
Along the same hallway, Jones drops in to visit with a senator – but the lawmaker already has gone to a Finance Committee meeting. Jones texts the senator’s chief of staff and waits outside the side door of the meeting room to leave a 30-second message to be relayed to the chair of the Economic Development Committee.
This pitch also concerns sports – the Major Events Trust Fund administered by the Comptroller’s office. The fund, supported by various local and state taxes, helps pay costs incurred from certain major sporting championships (such as the Super Bowl in Cowboys Stadium in Arlington, the NBA All-Star Game in Houston’s Toyota Center and the NCAA Final Four in San Antonio’s Alamodome) and other events conducted in the state. However, the recent changes made by the commissioners of the Bowl Championship Series (BCS) for a new college football playoff system require a legislative change in the language of the Major Events Trust Fund criteria. Jones wants the change made before the site selection, expected in April, for the 2014 BCS national championship game. “Texas cities should be able to bid,” he says.
On the stairs down to Level 2, Jones answers the obvious question. Yes, he’s worn a pedometer, registering about five to six miles per day during the session.
9:20 a.m., Capitol Extension, Level 2, 300s corridor.
Time to meet the staff members from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, who are accompanied into the Capitol corridor by HillCo lobbyists Eddie Solis and Marsha Jones (no relation).
9:30 a.m.
Their first meeting is with the chair of the Committee on Judiciary and Civil Jurisprudence.
10:00 a.m. Capitol Grill.
Jones and his clients take a coffee break and review the day’s schedule.
10:30 a.m. Ramsey Reception Room, 2nd floor, East wing.
Jones and his clients meet with a staff member of the Lieutenant Governor’s office to talk about possible committee assignments related to issues of concern.
10:52 a.m. 3rd Floor, East wing.
Meetings are starting to run late. While waiting for an appointment with a senator, Jones ducks into two other offices of senators along the same hallway. At one, he says he wants to express his opinion about a bill he “doesn’t like.” The trademark smile, however, does not wane.
11:12 a.m.
The senator is ready for the scheduled 11 a.m. meeting. He’s on the committee likely to conduct hearings regarding the lawsuit lending bill.
11:34 a.m.
Leaving the Capitol to walk to the Austin Club, just south on Ninth Street, Jones makes a phone call as he walks. He then recalls he had the first mobile phone in the Capitol. “Really,” he says to convince his listener. “It was the size of a shoe box. The Dallas Morning News even did a story about it.”
He remembers bygone days when his House office was near the then-Capitol snack bar, affectionately known as the “Linoleum Club.”
On the sidewalk gently sloping toward Congress Avenue, Jones greets a legislative staffer. He often lapses into “Texan” in informal settings, making such phrases as “Hey, girl” into four syllables. He knows personal details about the legislative staff members, asking about their families. A good memory for details helps this accomplished networker. He recognizes the importance of the proverbial “gatekeepers.” He should. He met his wife, Ginny, when she worked as a “gatekeeper” for Gov. Mark White. “I had lots of reasons to see the governor,” Jones remembers with a laugh.
Jones also talks about the upcoming luncheon venue. “The Austin Club is the place to be seen. Sometimes 50 [legislative] members will show up for lunch.” The HillCo office is nearby on Congress. Jones says the partners tallied the number of days in a year that ended at a fundraiser or other event at the private club. They counted more than 100 days, often with two or three events the same day – thus, the office location and the Austin Club membership.
Approaching the club’s entrance, Jones spots a penny on the sidewalk and picks it up. “For luck.”
11:43 a.m.
Lunch includes the clients, other HillCo lobbyists and Rep. Doug Miller (District 73), the author of the lawsuit lending bill.
12:54 p.m.
On the way back to the Capitol, Jones leaves his clients and enters a building on the east side of Congress Avenue and an office suite marked only by “400.” Here, staff members of Raise Your Hand Texas and other lobbyists are gathered to update each other on education issues.
The education advocacy group is backed by billionaire and H-E-B grocery magnate (and Jones’ client) Charles Butt (No. 50 on the 2012 Forbes 400 list). Jones says Butt is “passionate about public school education.”
Raise Your Hand Texas’ stated mission: “We advocate for students and strive to improve Texas public schools by investing in educational leaders and engaging the public to influence policy that strengthens our schools and the economy of our state.”
This biennial session, the group is focused on preventing legislation to introduce vouchers to use public money to pay private school tuition. Jones notes that a lobbyist often works as hard against possible legislation as for certain bills.
History shows that Butt is known for his political activism and weighty influence. In the final days of the special legislative session in 2011, Butt and Houston homebuilder Bob Perry (also a client of Jones) announced their opposition to a bill banning “sanctuary cities.” The interesting sidebar is that the legislation was considered during the regular session, and Gov. Rick Perry declared it an emergency item for the special session. While the bill passed in the Senate, it failed to pass in the House – a shock to some observers who had anticipated easy passage by the Republican-dominated House.
1:40 p.m.
Upon entering the Capitol, Jones exchanges greetings with “one of the most liberal” legislators, which brings up party affiliation.
“I don’t know what I am,” Jones comments. “Most people would say I am conservative. I am pro-business.…” He notes the powerful HillCo Political Action Committee “equally” supports Republican and Democratic candidates.
Political observers agree that monetary contributions are a major key to lawmaker access and recognition. A donation might not get you what you want, says one observer, who asked not to be identified, but it probably helps “start a conversation.” Put another way: A lobbyist will not get a lot of attention from a legislator who has never heard of him or her.
Jones says the HillCo PAC is adept at handicapping political races and determining favorites for contributions. As a result, before this legislative session started, Jones had met, if only in passing, 43 of the 44 new legislators.
1:50 p.m. Capitol, ground floor, West wing.
Jones’ next meeting, along with his U.S. Chamber clients, is about the House calendar. The calendar is all-important because it is possible for a bill to be reported out of a committee and still not get on the calendar – despite what Middle School civics teachers impart during the lesson about “how a bill becomes a law.”
On the Senate side, the Lieutenant Governor sets the calendar. This schedule, however, can be “suspended” by the 21-Vote Rule, named for the number of votes needed to bring a bill to the Senate floor.
2:12 p.m. 3rd floor, East wing.
The next meeting with a senator is delayed so the HillCo group splits. A member of the senator’s staff escorts Jones and one of his U.S. Chamber clients through long corridors to a Senate workroom in the Extension.
2:30 p.m. Extension, Level 1.
The senator emerges from the workroom to greet the visitor from the U.S. Chamber. Yes, their meeting will happen, but later….
2:40 p.m. Extension, Level 2, 100s corridor.
A meeting with a committee clerk also is delayed. “This is what I sometimes do,” Jones says. “Hurry up and wait.”
3:15 p.m.
Still waiting for the clerk.
3:42 p.m.
Finally, the meeting with the clerk, Jones and his client gets under way.
Still waiting on the meeting with the senator, Jones receives a text update – at least another hour. Jones makes arrangements to meet his client later and decides to “run plays” with a couple of drop-in visits to legislators on his “to-do” list.
5:00 p.m. Extension, Level 2, 500s corridor.
Time for a quick review of the day. First, Jones calls his wife to cancel their evening commitment. “She’s understanding.”
Despite delays, Jones seems satisfied with the day. His priorities for other days will include “telecommunications, transportation and city issues.”
He looks forward to “working the floor” as the session progresses. That often means waiting in the “lobby pit” outside the House when the representatives are in session. To contact a lawmaker, a lobbyist leaves a written note at the desk outside the chamber, and it is delivered to the representative. On the Senate side, however, the written notes have been replaced by text messages. Lobbyists usually sit in the visitors’ gallery to view proceedings.
Jones compares and contrasts the legislative chambers. “The House is controlled chaos,” he says. “It might appear uncontrolled, but it works. It’s loud, raucous and sometimes seemingly less disciplined.” The Senate, however, he characterizes as “collegial.” Decisions are typically made – and known – before a vote, thanks to the 21-Vote Rule.
Final words: “I would like people to know that you can be a successful and complete lobbyist and still have relationships with your community, your church and your family.”
5:26 p.m.
Jones heads to meet his client from the U.S. Chamber and (hopefully) have the delayed 2:15 p.m. meeting with the senator. (The meeting finally begins at 7:15 p.m.)
This writer limps to the Visitor Parking Garage.
At a Glance: Neal T. “Buddy” Jones.
| Date and place of birth: October 20, 1950, in Fort Worth.
Residence: Austin, Texas. Education: Undergraduate and law degrees from Baylor University, Waco. Occupation: Principal, HillCo Partners, Austin-based public affairs consulting firm. Career highlights: In 1977, elected County Attorney of Hill County. In 1979, elevated to District Attorney, 66th Judicial District. 1981-83, Member, Texas House of Representatives from Hillsboro/Hill County (District 34). 1983-85, Executive Assistant and Chief of Staff to Texas House Speaker Gib Lewis. In 1985, formed form private legislative consulting firm. In 1998, co-founded HillCo Partners with William J. Miller. Community involvement highlights: Member, Former Chairman, Board of Regents, Baylor University; Member, Board of Directors-At Large, Austin Symphony; Life Trustee, Past Chairman, Children’s Medical Center Foundation of Central Texas. Ordained Baptist Deacon. Honors: Ranked No. 1 by Capitol Inside on 2013 list of “Top Hired Guns.” Twice named by Texas Monthly as among the “25 Most Powerful Texans.” Family: Wife, Ginny, and five children, ages 12 – 24. Biggest satisfaction: Having about two dozen of his clients for more than 20 years. A favorite saying: “Baptists always hold out hope.” |
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